you are on periphery, bro, you can't print money

He was born on June 26, 1908, in Santiago. He was the son of Salvador Allende Castro, lawyer and notary and Laura Gossens Uribe. His sister, Laura Allende, was a congresswoman between 1965 and 1973; his niece, Denise Pascal Allende, was a socialist congresswoman; and his granddaughter, Maya Fernández Allende, was a congresswoman and is currently Minister of National Defense.

In 1940 he married Hortensia Bussi Soto. He was the father of three daughters: Carmen Paz, Beatriz, office secretary during his presidency, and Isabel, socialist senator.

He attended primary and secondary school at the Instituto Nacional and the Tacna and Valdivia High Schools. He finished his humanities at the Liceo Eduardo de la Barra in Valparaíso.

In 1926 he did his military service in the Coraceros Regiment of Viña del Mar. That same year he entered the Faculty of Medicine of the University of Chile, where he graduated as a surgeon in 1932. His dissertation was entitled: "Mental Hygiene and Delinquency".

At the same time, he worked as assistant professor of Anatomy at the School of Medicine and the Dental School, both at the aforementioned university.

He practiced as a physician and anatomo-pathologist at the Casa de Orates and at the Public Beneficence. Between 1932 and 1936 he was a physician at the Asistencia Pública de Valparaíso and an anatomo-pathologist at hospitals in Puerto Montt. Also, between 1935 and 1936 he was the official reporter of the Medical Congress of the Municipality of Viña del Mar and presided over the Pan-American Medical Conference.

During his university days, he was president of the Center of Students of Medicine and of the Federation of Students of Chile. Later, he was director of the group "Avance".

In 1933 he participated in the founding of the Socialist Party of Chile, in which he remained all his life. Between 1937 and 1939 he was regional secretary of Valparaíso. In the parliamentary elections of 1937 he was elected deputy.

Between September 28, 1939 and October 23, 1941, and between December 15, 1941 and April 7, 1942, he was Minister of Health, Welfare and Social Assistance during the government of Pedro Aguirre Cerda. In 1942, after finishing his ministerial work, he joined the Caja de Seguro Obligatorio, where he became vice-president and administrator.

Between 1943 and 1944, as secretary general of the Socialist Party, he had to face divisions within the party. As a result, he sought to form a permanent alliance with the Communist Party of Chile, which was first raised within the PS.

He was elected senator in the parliamentary elections of March 1945, a position to which he was reelected in 1953, 1961 and 1969, completing a parliamentary career of nearly thirty years.

In 1946, in the context of the division of socialism, he joined the Popular Socialist Party. However, between 1950 and 1951 he returned to the Socialist Party of Chile. The union of this party with the Communist Party -excluded from its legal existence as a result of the Law of Permanent Defense of Democracy-, gave way to the foundation of the People's Front.

In the 1952 presidential elections he was a presidential candidate for the first time, sponsored by the People's Front, obtaining 5% of the votes. That election was won by Carlos Ibáñez del Campo.

In 1956 he participated in the formation of the Popular Action Front (FRAP), an alliance of left-wing parties that lasted eight years, until 1964. He was its first president. For the 1958 presidential elections, the FRAP presented him as a candidate. However, he was not elected, although he obtained second place in that vote, with 28.8% of the votes, and Jorge Alessandri Rodríguez was elected.

Six years later, in the 1964 presidential elections, he was again a candidate supported by the FRAP. However, he was defeated by Eduardo Frei Montalva, although he obtained almost 39% of the votes.

He was president of the Senate between 1966 and 1969, and in 1969 he was one of the founders of the Unidad Popular (UP), a political alliance that brought together the entire left, plus center forces.

Presidency of the Republic

He was elected President of the Republic on September 4, 1970. In the 1970 presidential elections, he obtained 36% of the votes, so he had to be ratified by the Plenary Congress, which had to choose between the two highest majorities: Salvador Allende Gossens and Jorge Alessandri.

He achieved the definitive triumph thanks to the intervention of the Christian Democracy, which had the majority in Parliament. This party agreed to support him as long as the elected president and the parties representing his candidacy accepted the signing of a Statute of Democratic Guarantees, incorporated into the Political Constitution by means of a reform. Once this condition was accepted, on October 24, 1970, the Plenary Congress proclaimed him President of Chile, with 153 votes against 35 for Alessandri and 7 blank votes.

For the first time in the history of the western world, a Marxist candidate reached the presidency of the Republic through the ballot box. He held office between November 3, 1970 and September 11, 1973.

During his government he tried to establish socialism through the democratic path or Vía Chilena al Socialismo (Chilean Way to Socialism). In July 1971, Congress approved the Law for the Nationalization of Large Copper Mining. In the economic aspect, a policy of accentuated redistribution of income and reactivation of the economy was established. The Agrarian Reform Law, approved during the presidency of Eduardo Frei Montalva, allowed him to make rapid progress in the expropriation of large estates. He took the first steps to build the social property area of the economy, using legal procedures that did not question the legality of the existing system, although some called them "loopholes".

In the field of international relations, the UP government reestablished bilateral relations with Cuba and relations were initiated, for the first time, with China, North Korea, North Vietnam and East Germany.

In July 1971 he visited Salta in Argentina, and between August and September he visited Colombia, Ecuador and Peru. Between November and December 1972 he toured Mexico, the United States, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and Cuba. In May 1973 he attended the inauguration of President Héctor José Cámpora in Argentina.

Towards mid-1972, a deep economic crisis accelerated, which was expressed in the increase of inflation and productive stagnation, with consequences of shortages of basic goods in important sectors of the population. Inflation levels experienced a sharp rise, from 22.1% in 1971, to 260.5% in 1972, reaching 605.1% in 1973.

At the international level, Allende's government was framed within the Cold War and the confrontation between capitalism and socialism at all levels, which was expressed in the strong influence of foreign countries in the Chilean process. While the United States actively supported the political and social opposition to the government, countries such as Cuba supported the Popular Unity.

In the 1973 parliamentary elections, the opposition grouped in the Confederation for Democracy, an alliance formed by the Christian Democratic Party and the National Party, did not reach the two-thirds of the votes required to remove the President from office. The government alliance obtained 43% of the votes.

In the following months, the political crisis worsened, which was expressed in the military uprising called "tanquetazo", on June 29, 1973, and in the failure of the government-opposition talks in August.

On September 11, 1973 his government was overthrown in a military coup led by the Armed Forces and the Carabineros aided by the CIA. He committed suicide that same day during the attack on La Moneda Palace.

"Placed in a historic transition, I will pay for loyalty to the people with my life. And I say to them that I am certain that the seed which we have planted in the good conscience of thousands and thousands of Chileans will not be shriveled forever. They have strength and will be able to dominate us, but social processes can be arrested neither by crime nor force. History is ours, and people make history."

• Salvador Allende, September 11th, 1973

• Allende in Chile Today

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(Rosario, Argentina, 1928 - Higueras, Bolivia, 1967) Latin-American Revolutionary. Along with Fidel Castro, whose movement he joined in 1956, he was one of the main architects of the triumph of the Cuban revolution (1959). He later held positions of great relevance in the new regime, but, dissatisfied with the inoperation of the offices and faithful to his purpose of extending the revolution to other Latin American countries, in 1966 he resumed his guerrilla activity in Bolivia, where he would be captured and executed a year later.

Given his life thus in the fight against imperialism and dictatorship, Che Guevara became the greatest revolutionary myth of the 20th century. He was immediately an icon of the youth of May 68, and his figure has remained as a timeless symbol of ideals of freedom and justice that, like the heroes of yesteryear, he judged more valuable than life itself.

Ernesto Che Guevara was born into a wealthy family in Argentina, where he studied medicine. His leftist militancy led him to participate in the opposition against Juan Domingo Perón; Since 1953 he traveled through Peru, Ecuador, Venezuela and Guatemala, discovering the prevailing misery among the masses of Latin America and the omnipresence of North American imperialism in the region, and participating in multiple opposition movements, experiences that definitely inclined him towards Marxism.

In 1955 Ernesto Che Guevara met Fidel Castro and his brother Raúl Castro in Mexico, who were preparing a revolutionary expedition to Cuba. Guevara befriended the Castros, joined the group as a doctor, and landed with them in Cuba in 1956. Once the guerrillas settled in the Sierra Maestra, Guevara became Fidel's lieutenant and commanded one of the two columns that came out of the eastern mountains toward the west to liberate the island. He participated in the decisive battle for the capture of Santa Clara (1958) and finally entered Havana in 1959, ending the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista.

The new revolutionary Cuba granted Guevara Cuban nationality and appointed him head of the Militia and director of the Agrarian Reform Institute (1959), then president of the National Bank and Minister of Economy (1960), and, finally, Minister of Industry (1961). ). In those years, Guevara represented Cuba in various international forums, in which he frontally denounced US imperialism. On a trip around the world he met Nasser, Nehru, Sukarno and Tito (1959); On another trip he met various Soviet leaders and the Chinese Zhou Enlai and Mao Zedong.:based-department:

In the task of building a new society in Cuba, and especially in the field of economics, Che Guevara was one of Fidel Castro's most tireless collaborators. In the economic controversy that took place at the beginning of the new cuba, he opted for an original, creative and not bureaucratic or institutionalized interpretation of Marxist principles. Looking for a path to the real independence of Cuba, he strove for the industrialization of the country, linking it to the aid of the Soviet Union, once the attempt to invade the island by the United States had failed and the socialist character of the Cuban revolution had been clarified ( 1961).

Now relieved of his positions in the Cuban state, Che Guevara returned to Latin America in 1966 to launch a revolution that he hoped would be continental in scope: Bolivia thanks to its position in the middle of the continent and its strong natural defences would make ot the ideal starting socialist state.

However, his action did not catch on with the Bolivian masses. From the beginning, his group, baptized as the National Liberation Army and made up of Cuban veterans from the Sierra Maestra and some Bolivian communists, found themselves lacking in support from the peasants, completely alien to the movement. Without any popular support in the rural world, and without support in the big cities for the rejection of communist political organizations, the chances of success drastically diminished.

Isolated in a jungle region where he suffered the exacerbation of his asthmatic disease, Ernesto Guevara was betrayed by local peasants and fell into an ambush by the Bolivian army in the Valle Grande region, where he was wounded and arrested on October 8, 1967. Given Since Che had already become a symbol for young people around the world, the Bolivian military, advised by the CIA, wanted to destroy the revolutionary myth, assassinating him and then exposing his corpse, photographing himself with him, and bury him in secret. In 1997 the remains of Che Guevara were located, exhumed and transferred to Cuba, where they were buried with all honors by the Castro's Cuba

• The Motorcycle diaries
  

• Reminiscences of the Cuban Revolutionary War

• Che Guevara Speech on Imperialism

• Che Guevara Interview With ABC Reporter | 1964

• Che's Full Speech at United Nations December 1964

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The images of the dipshit's bedroom really cracks me up

https://www.clarin.com/policiales/cayo-nazi-samurai-parque-avellaneda-katanas-sueno-exterminar-judios-gays_0_MPQAmVCXR6.html

• On June 2, in addition to president, Mexico will choose all 500 deputies in the lower house of Congress and all 128 seats in the Senate.
• The main presidential candidates are left-wing Claudia Sheinbaum and right-wing Xóchitl Gálvez, with center-left Jorge Máynez representing a third, dark-horse option.
• Both Sheinbaum and Gálvez want to invest more in renewable energy, but disagree about some controversial infrastructure projects.

MEXICO CITY — Mexico will hold elections on June 2 that are likely to shape the country for years to come. In addition to president, all 500 deputies in the lower house of Congress and all 128 seats in the Senate are on the ballot. The winners will have to reckon with a host of pressing environmental concerns that range from renewable energy and mining to access to clean water and infrastructure.

The main presidential candidates are left-wing Claudia Sheinbaum and right-wing Xóchitl Gálvez, with center-left Jorge Máynez representing a third, dark-horse option. One of them will take over from the polarizing left-wing populist President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO), who isn’t eligible to run again.

AMLO’s presidency had no shortage of scandals, and much of the criticism he received had to do with the environment. He favored fossil fuels over renewal energy, building new refineries and prioritizing state-owned oil and gas giant Pemex over private wind and solar power companies. He bet on huge infrastructure projects — trains, pipelines, interoceanic corridors — that angered Indigenous communities and skirted basic environmental regulations.

Meanwhile, the country is in the midst of a water crisis that threatens to leave millions of residents — both in major cities like Mexico City and rural areas like Oaxaca — without access to potable water. The problem stems from a lack of sanitation infrastructure and management, but it’s also a climate change and conservation problem. Droughts and desertification have exacerbated the crisis.

full article

Augusto Cesar Sandino was a nicaraguan revolutionary remembered by being the leader of the resistance to the US occupation of Nicaragua in the first half of the 20th century.

He was born in Niquinohomo, department of Masaya, on May 18, 1895. He was the son of Gregorio Sandino, a wealthy coffee farmer, and Margarita Calderón, an indigenous servant who worked on his father's plantation.

In 1921 Sandino was forced to leave the country after shooting Dagoberto Rivas, the son of a prominent conservative from the town. During his stay in Mexico, Sandino was linked with leaders of various unionist, worker, socialist, anarchist and freemason groups.

In 1925, after 13 years of US occupation in Nicaragua, the invading army withdrew its troops. In October of that year, the military coup of General Emiliano Chamorro against President Carlos José Solórzano occurred. North American troops land again at Bluefields. Sandino, upon learning of the beginning of the Constitutionalist War, decided to return to Nicaragua, where he arrived on June 1.

"In view of the abuses of North America in Nicaragua, I left Tampico, Mexico, on May 18, 1926, to join the Constitutionalist Army of Nicaragua, which was fighting against the regime imposed by the Yankee bankers in our Republic."

On October 26, 1926, together with workers from the San Albino mines, he took up arms, joining the constitutional cause. He organized his combatants and leads an attack against the conservative barracks in the town of El Jícaro on November 2, 1926. After this success in combat, Sandino was recognized by the liberal military leaders for which he is appointed General-in-Chief of the Army of Las Segovias, where he establishes his base of operations.

Sandino's war against the US Army

With just 30 men, Sandino begins a national war against the American invaders and the surrendering government of José María Moncada. On September 2, 1927, the Defense Army of the National Sovereignty of Nicaragua was constituted.

"Dynamics of Nicaragua"

After intense fighting and without being able to defeat him, the US government of Herbert C, Hoover, ordered the withdrawal of the troops deployed in Nicaragua. With the election of Franklin D. Roosvelt, peace negotiations began with the US government. Sandino sent the new liberal president, Juan Bautista Sacasa, a peace proposal, which was accepted. On February 2, 1933, the war officially ends.

Sandino's murder

On February 21, 1934, after attending a dinner in La Loma (Presidential Palace), together with the writer Sofonías Salvatierra (Sacasa's Minister of Agriculture) and his lieutenants, Generals Francisco Estrada and Juan Pablo Umanzor, invited by Juan Bautista Sacasa , he is detained by Major Lisandro Delgadillo, who led them to the El Hormiguero prison.

The three generals Sandino, Estrada and Umanzor were assassinated at eleven o'clock at night by troops from the battalion that guarded them. Two years later, Anastasio Somoza took the reins of Nicaragua, overthrowing President Sacasa, who was his in-law uncle. Somoza claimed that he had received orders from US Ambassador Arthur Bliss Lane to kill Sandino.

Legacy

The struggle for Freedom and sovereignty represented by Augusto Sandino has transcended borders, becoming a symbol of and flag of the peoples who fight against oppression and the domination of external forces. Sandino's ideas and thoughts are remembered in Nicaragua and the world:

"My greatest honor is to emerge from the bosom of the oppressed, who are the soul and nerve of the race."

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Yeesh

Piñera introdujo a los venezolanos en las poblaciones

Tensions are at an unprecedented high between Ecuador and Mexico after Ecuatorian police literally broke into the mexican embassy violating the viena convention to arrest a political refugee, Jorge Glas, former Correa's VP, who is currrently undergoing a legal process in Ecuador after allegedly being involved in a chargeback scheme involving Odebrecht (though no evidence was ever produced for this claim, except a single testimony from Odebrecht's former CEO). The immediate backdrop for this, well, happening, is AMLO putting into question the legitimacy of Ecuador's upcoming general election in one of his daily briefings after a presidential candidate was fucking murdered and AMLO attempting to give asylum to Glas. This is nuts, international law doesn't exist anymore, it's a brand new world Israel has dragged everyone onto, and only might makes right. Maybe I'll put my ideas in order, I dunno. Happy Friday friends, take care.

Havana, March 30, 2024 – Artists and cartoonists carried out an urban intervention in the central Paseo Avenue of the Cuban capital, on the occasion of the Palestinian Land Day, that commemorates the first general strike against the theft of part of the Palestinian territory by the Zionist regime.

Now, 176 days after the unprecedented massacre in Gaza, world solidarity is increasingly necessary. The solidarity cannot slow down it needs to grow in many ways. This was the understanding of the renowned cartoonist Ares, National Humor Prize (Cuba 2020) and Grand Prix UYACC Anticoronavirus (China 2020), when he called others to join in on this collective mural.

read more: https://resumen-english.org/2024/03/cuban-artists-for-palestine-a-collective-mural-calls-for-neighborhood-reflection/

The Brazilian transition from the civil-military dictatorship to the New Republic in the 1990s could have been a period to revise the authoritarianism embedded in the country’s society since its formation. However, the authoritarian traits – boosted during the dictatorship – are legacies Brazil has to this day.

Behind these traits, there is a society and successive governments that refuse to come to terms with the past. President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (Workers’ Party) has recently said he cannot “always dwell” on the dictatorial past. The comment was in response to being asked about the cancellation of the ceremony to mark the 60th anniversary of the 1964 coup, planned for April 1st this year.

“What I cannot do is not move forward with [Brazil’s] history. I cannot always dwell on it, that is, it’s a part of Brazil’s history about what we still lack information about since there are still missing people, things to be investigated. But, honestly, I will not dwell on it. I’ll try to move this country forward,” said Lula in an interview with the Brazilian TV show É Notícia.

Ivo Lebauspin, who was arrested and tortured during the dictatorship, says “It’s an error not to elaborate on the dictatorship period. There is a narrative saying it’s better to reconcile with the past and forget what happened. That’s impossible to achieve without knowing what really happened.”

“Some people think that, in order to move forward with a political plan, it’s necessary to sweep [the dictatorship] under the carpet, put all this behind us, look ahead and make agreements. It was already done. It has been done for years. The dictatorship hasn’t been analyzed since its end [1985]. No trials, nothing,” he explained.

Lebauspin associates the military presence in the coup attempt to keep Jair Bolsonaro (Liberal Party) in the presidency as a remnant of the military intervention. “It has everything to do with not remembering the dictatorship and not bringing it to justice. In Germany, there is a monumental effort to constantly remember what happened. There are Holocaust museums in various places, and people know what happened. There was a trial, facts were analyzed and judged. There was no such thing here.”

Similarly, Daniel Aarão Reis Filho, a professor in the History Department at Fluminense Federal University (UFF, in Portuguese), says that he remembers “leaders of progressive parties, like Tancredo Neves in 1985, calling on people not to look in the rear-view mirror, but to look ahead and not dwell on the wounds.” That shows that Brazil “paid little attention to reflecting on the state structure set up during the dictatorship and its policies.”

read more: https://resumen-english.org/2024/04/60-years-later-brazil-has-not-come-to-terms-with-the-legacy-of-the-dictatorship/

Last week, a federal judge in Arizona ruled that the Mexican government can move forward in its potentially history-making lawsuit against five Arizona gun dealers, four of which are located in the borderlands.

It’s the second lawsuit filed by the Mexican government to curb the illegal trafficking of U.S. weapons, which contribute to tens of thousands of deaths every year as organized crime claims more territory in Mexico. The first lawsuit, against gun manufacturers, was filed in Massachusetts in August 2021 and dismissed by a U.S. district court, citing a legal technicality. In February, however, it was revived by a U.S. federal appeals court.

Now both lawsuits can move forward, and other countries, no doubt, are watching to see what happens next in Mexico’s historic bid to stop the illegal flow of guns from the United States. U.S. Attorney Jonathan Lowy, who is representing Mexico in this trailblazing case, says a win for Mexico could be an even bigger win for the United States, which has been unable to curb its own gun violence and is “the only country in the world,” he says, “where there are more guns than people.”

Before founding the nonprofit Global Action on Gun Violence in 2022, Lowy spent 25 years at the Brady Center to Prevent Gun Violence, named after James Brady, the former White House press secretary who was shot during an assassination attempt on President Ronald Reagan.

At the Brady Center, Lowy spent decades trying to stem the tide of guns by suing gun manufacturers on behalf of America’s largest cities. Frustrated by the industry’s hold over U.S. politics, he decided to take his fight to the global community and exert pressure from the outside. Lowy also has a case before the Inter-American Commission for Human Rights, on behalf of the Oliver family, whose son, Joaquin, was murdered in the 2018 Parkland, Florida, school massacre. In the human rights case, Lowy argues for the constitutional “right not to be shot.” In this Q&A, Lowy discusses Mexico’s historic legal battle and his lifelong efforts to reduce gun violence in the United States.

read more: https://www.theborderchronicle.com/p/meet-the-us-lawyer-representing-mexico

• The Brazilian Congress is analyzing a bill that would leave all the country’s non-forestry vegetation unprotected, affecting an area twice the size of the United Kingdom.
• Behind the proposal are the interests of economic sectors such as agribusiness and real estate companies.
• The most affected biome would be the Pantanal wetlands, a Natural World Heritage Site known for its highly biodiverse grasslands and flooded fields.

A bill framed to benefit a particular group of rural producers was morphed into a drastic change to the Brazilian Forest Code with the potential of destroying 48 million hectares (118.6 million acres) — an area twice the size of the United Kingdom — of native vegetation all over the country. If approved, the legislation (called PL 364/2019) will allow the conversion of all non-forestry areas for activities such as agriculture, cattle ranching and tree plantations.

The bill, approved March 20 by a lower house commission, was initially proposed in 2019 by the ruralist federal deputy Alceu Moreira (MDB). It was framed to benefit farmers from a specific region of Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil’s southernmost state, who occupy mountaintop fields of the Atlantic Forest and want the region to be excluded from the more restricted environmental framework of the Atlantic Forest Law.

But the supercharged ruralist caucus, which has been piling up victories during President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s administration, managed to twist the bill so that all “formations of predominantly non-forest native vegetation” would be considered areas of “human occupation” and therefore, open to exploitation. The only requirement is that the land had been used for any rural activity at some point before July 2008.

According to the federal deputy who proposed the change, José Mário Schreiner (MDB), the measure would “standardize understandings and avoid misinterpretations, providing legal certainty and peace of mind for producers.”

The strategy of introducing controversial legislative changes into somewhat-related bills is so common in Brazil that it even has a name: jabuticaba, a native Brazil blackberry.

full article